Evidence first · same rules for every party

Political accountability without the partisan memory hole

A source-auditable comparison of nonconsensual sexual-conduct allegations, broader personal misconduct, racial conduct, and the political consequences that followed.

Before scoring points: an allegation is not a finding. A civil verdict is not a criminal conviction. Consensual affairs are not assault. Historical affiliation is recorded as it existed—not reassigned backward after later coalition changes.

Full workbook Strict cases CSV Broader misconduct CSV Race accountability CSV Summary CSV

The project at a glance

29strict nonconsensual-conduct cases

16broader-misconduct comparisons

12race-accountability studies

76row-level source links

Only the strict table is a nationwide documented minimum. Broader and race tables are curated comparisons—not censuses or prevalence estimates.

The strict documented minimum

Democratic

Share of 29

59%

Direct/strong adverse outcome

Republican

Share of 29

41%

Direct/strong adverse outcome

Raw counts are not adjusted for the number of politicians in either party and do not establish actual incidence.

The “Party Switch” myth: what actually switched?

Verdict

A major, decades-long realignment occurred. A literal wholesale identity swap did not. Voters, regions, factions, and civil-rights coalitions moved at different times and speeds.

The audit rule

Record the party when conduct occurred. Separately record later party switches, ideological change, repudiation, rehabilitation, and how later allies treated the record.

ReconstructionRepublicans led congressional Reconstruction and drew strong Black voter support; white-supremacist violence targeted Black citizens and Republican governments.

Jim CrowSouthern Democratic governments built and defended segregation and disfranchisement. Later realignment does not relabel those officials.

New DealBlack voters began shifting Democratic before the 1960s civil-rights laws; the movement was gradual.

1948The civil-rights plank triggered the Dixiecrat revolt led by Strom Thurmond—an internal Democratic split.

1964 onwardGoldwater, Thurmond’s actual switch, Nixon-era strategy, and decades of regional change accelerated Republican gains among Southern whites.

Byrd vs. ThurmondThurmond switched in 1964. Byrd remained a Democrat, repudiated his Klan past, changed much of his record, and was rehabilitated.

Explore every documented row

Search by person, party, conduct, consequence, or evidence. Expand each card for the audit trail and sources.

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How comparison works

Severity ≠ certainty

Severity and evidence are separate. A high-severity allegation is not treated like an adjudicated finding.

Evidence grades

A conviction/plea/admission · B civil or official finding · C multiple/corroborated · D single reported allegation · E weak/insufficient.

Trump is not exempt

Carroll is recorded as a civil sexual-abuse and defamation finding—not a criminal conviction. Other unfavorable allegations remain included.

No “pedo” shortcut

No finding here establishes Trump committed pedophilic conduct. That does not erase the Carroll finding or other allegations.

Reaction follows evidence

Reaction is compared after severity, evidence, era, office, timing, multiple accusers, power imbalance, official power, and minors.

Historical restraint

Earlier eras and local races are undercovered. Party totals describe this research set—not actual incidence or moral worth.

Source trail

National Women’s Defense League research.
New York attorney general’s Cuomo investigation.
DOJ record for Bob Filner.
U.S. Senate biography of Strom Thurmond.
Every card links to its underlying records; the workbook consolidates all 76 URLs.

Current through August 23, 2026. Built to make claims auditable—not to convert allegations into guilt or party labels into verdicts.